The New Working Class Renews the Repertoire of Social Conflict
In: China perspectives: Shenzhou-zhanwang, Heft 2, S. 3-7
ISSN: 2070-3449, 1011-2006
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In: China perspectives: Shenzhou-zhanwang, Heft 2, S. 3-7
ISSN: 2070-3449, 1011-2006
In: Journal of democracy, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 5-16
ISSN: 1045-5736
On its twentieth anniversary, the Tiananmen Square Massacre continues to haunt the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The harsh crackdown of June 4, 1989 shattered expectations that CCP top leader, Deng Xiaoping, and his party would move toward increased democratization, seriously calling into question the CCP's legitimacy. From Deng onward, the ultimate goal has been to preserve unity within the CCP. This article traces the steps taken by the CCP to reinforce its legitimacy, including resisting the lead of the communist Soviet regimes. Small groups of dissidents continue to voice basic principles of human rights, showing that the Party's grip is not as firm as it seems. Adapted from the source document.
In: Il politico: rivista italiana di scienze politiche ; rivista quardrimestrale, Band 71, Heft 3, S. 71-82
ISSN: 0032-325X
The post-Mao era inaugurated a stage of deep review of the role of Communist Party(CCP) in Chinese society: from "revolutionary party" (geming dang) into "ruling party" (geming dang). This entailed a revised approach consisting in new method of selecting & promoting party's officials by emphasising qualifications as expertise, managerial skills, aptitude for encouraging economic development rather than ideological & political faithfulness. This new strategy succeeded in reaching a consensus of the growing middle class about the main political goals of Chinese regime & consequently in dampening political & social opposition by digging a huge break in social body. With regard to this strategy of cooptation & social segmentation the Jiang Zemin's theory of "three representatives" is emblematic. Though this expression of openness & efficiency keeps being obsessively confirmed in official speeches & in legislation the exercise of freedom in China is far from being guaranteed. The approach of managing power of past regime is still "in office" & rigorously practised in order to control the frequent turmoil of peasants. Likewise frequent initiatives of intellectuals who claim the authorities deny the people their rights are severely repressed. Nevertheless the sharp-eyed party's control on community does not prevent some expectations of change from being fulfilled. Greater & greater groups of intellectuals, lawyers, journalists are resorting to state legislation to get the basic rights recognised and, for this purpose, they don't hesitate to deliver any sort of information to Internet in order to smooth the authorities' reaction. These actions offer a glimmer of hope in Chinese scenario. Adapted from the source document.
In: Social research: an international quarterly, Band 73, Heft 1, S. 53-74
ISSN: 0037-783X
In: Social research: an international quarterly, Band 73, Heft 1, S. vii-x
ISSN: 0037-783X
In: The Pacific review, Band 16, Heft 3, S. 439-453
ISSN: 1470-1332
After the Tiananmen massacre of 4 June 1989 many Chinese pro-democracy activists have been able to settle in the US. They have attempted to federate all the opposition forces overseas in an organization that aimed at influencing US government policy toward China. However, plagued by factionalism, the opposition in exile has not been able to put to an efficient use the capital of sympathy that it enjoyed at the time of Tiananmen. After the failure of political organizations, Chinese dissidents have created NGOs that are regularly consulted by the Administration & the Congress. Since the mid-1980s, they represent a substantial factor in the making of American policy toward China. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: The China journal: Zhongguo-yanjiu, Band 47, S. 138-139
ISSN: 1835-8535
In: The China journal: Zhongguo-yanjiu, Band 35, S. 139-140
ISSN: 1835-8535
In: The China quarterly, Band 132, S. 1199-1201
ISSN: 1468-2648
In: Revue française de science politique, Band 42, Heft 1, S. 56
ISSN: 0035-2950
In: Revue française de science politique, Band 42, Heft 1, S. 56-82
ISSN: 1950-6686
Au cours des années 1978-1989, la décennie des réformes, des institutions semi-autonomes ou autonomes (embryons de société civile) apparaissent en Chine. Elles naissent grâce au développement de liens horizontaux qui échappent au contrôle de l'Etat-parti pendant la Révolution culturelle et s'affirment à partir de 1985. Les formes que revêtent ces embryons de société civile sont diverses — revues et instituts de recherche autonomes, « salons », comités de rédaction de collections, associations doublant les associations officielles — et variés les liens qui se nouent entre ces institutions et la fraction réformatrice du parti. Leur analyse est largement fondée sur des informations données par des animateurs de ces institutions, réfugiés en France à la suite de la répression du mouvement démocratique de 1989.
In: Hommes & migrations, Band 1142, Heft 1, S. 40-48
La répression qui a suivi le «Printemps de Pékin» de 1989 a conduit les intellectuels chinois à s'exiler, entre autres, dans «la patrie des Droits de l'homme».
Prenant peu à peu conscience que ce séjour risque de durer, il leur faut entamer un pénible processus d'adaptation car ils rencontrent des difficultés sur les plans de la langue, de la pensée, de la vie quotidienne et de l'action politique.
In: Revue française de science politique, Band 32, Heft 3, S. 392-406
ISSN: 1950-6686
isolate Vietnam and to bleed it to death. What forces are they relying on to carry out this policy on the international level, in their relations with the ASEAN countries and in Cambodia, and in their relations with the various components of Khmer resistance ? How can the motivations which guide Chinese strategy be defined?
In: Politique internationale: pi, Heft 106, S. 419-440
ISSN: 0221-2781
Since Hong Kong reverted to Chinese control in 1997, Beijing has done everything to strengthen its authority over the former British colony, now dubbed a "Special Administrative Region," or SRA. Hong Kong's economy, hit hard by the financial crisis in Asia in 1998, then again by the SARS epidemic in 2003, was literally kept afloat by the Chinese central government, which used this intervention to reduce Hong Kong's autonomy. On the political front, Hong Kong chief executive Tung Chee-Hwa is totally subservient to Beijing. But a large portion of the population remains committed to democratic principles. These principles can ultimately win under several conditions. First, the local proponents of democracy must resist the temptations that aim to divide them. Also, the West must prove more attentive to developments in Hong Kong & indeed be more closely involved. Finally, in the run-up to the 2008 Olympic Games, China needs to loosen its grip. Adapted from the source document.
In: Hommes & migrations: première revue française des questions d'immigration, Band 1220, Heft 1, S. 61-72
ISSN: 2262-3353
La plupart des émigrants chinois qui entreprennent le voyage vers l'Europe, tout particulièrement vers la France, sont originaires de la région du Zhejiang (Wenzhou, Qingtian). A la différence de leurs nombreux compatriotes poussés à migrer en Chine même, les Chinois de Wenzhou qui parviennent à Paris visent par tous les moyens à sortir de la clandestinité pour s'installer définitivement en France : et si possible" devenir patron", symbole de la réussite au sein d'une communauté ou ils restent solidement intégrés.